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Foundation declaration of Communist Construction

Why Communist Construction?

In times of a deep economic crisis, endless wars, global enviromental destruction and hunger, cries for a fundamental alternative to the prevailing barbarism can be heard from everywhere.

The rebellions of the masses all over the world set in flames millions of hearts and have shown that the oppressed once more are searching for radical solutions – and that these solutions exist.

The ruling class keeps on singing the old song of the ‘end of history’ or of a ‘failed utopia’. They claim that there is no alternative to capitalism and that the struggle for another world leads to a dead end. We are convinced that the opposite is true. We are convinced that only a society which orientates itself to the needs of humanity, not to those of a parasitarian minority offers an exit to imperialistic barbarism: Communism. Our comrades accomplished great achievements and suffered distressing defeats throughout history. Nevertheless we are sure that that we must, can and will break down all barriers and make another attempt based on a revolutionary review on the passed communist experiences.

As everywhere in the world the ruling class in Germany knows that their might is built on sand and they are also quite aware of the masses’ ability to sweep aside their oppressors in a storm of revolutionary energy.

In order to prevent this, the German imperialism has created a highly organized political and military apparatus, which has perfected the carrot-and-stick policy by generalizing about the counter-revolutionary experiences. Defeatingsuch an enemy demands the highest level of willingness to make sacrifices, discipline, strong convictions, industriousness, toughness and love to the oppressed and the exploited.

Any thought of a revolution in Germany in the 21th century therefore stays an utopia without a flexible and vivid, principedly and united acting organization. We need a Communist Party – not a bourgeois parliamentary party but a revolutionary fighting organization.

Therefore what the oppressed and the exploited in Germany most sorely miss is such a party, which is able to guide the masses and to learn from them, to evaluate the revolutionary experiences and apply them, able to overthrow German imperialism.

Every unpunished lie of the ruling class, every fascist attack on class brothers and sisters, each and every working class struggle betrayed by worker unions and social-democrats, every comrade in jail and each and every demonstration which is dispersed by the police also is a desperate call for this party.

We know that we are not alone in our efforts. There are many honest revolutionaries in Germany, who share the hatred for this system and the love for our class. We also know that there are various attempts to unify revolutionary forces in one organization. On the other hand we see far too many who content themselves with narrowly-defined areas, with the hope for ‘someone else to accomplish their task’, who consider the party to be created in a far-off time or themselves to already be ‘the Party’.

In our opinion the imperialistic brutality, the masses’ hopes and the revolutionary uprisings, which announce themselves, forces us not to remain any longer in individualism, ‘small-group-thinking’, demarcation-fetishism, narrow-mindedness, worn-out traditions and schematism.

Communist Construction is founded to approach the task of fighting for the unity of communists based on shared principles. Our organization is meant to make a contribution to a future revolutionary Communist Party. We consider such an organization to have been missing up to the present day.

Which exact steps and detours are to be taken to construct the Communist Party will be revealed by revolutionary analyses and practice. Hence we are sure that the road has to be plastered with willingsness to discuss, creativity, thirst for knowledge,solidarity, clarity of thought, seriousness, militancy and revolutionary struggles. We invite all revolutionaries who share these aims to join us in the struggle for the construction of the Communist Party and for the Communists’ unity.

Our political, ideological and organizational tasks in the construction process – programmatic self-conception

Our political, ideological and organizational tasks in the construction process – programmatic self-conception

  1. In imperialistic Germany the historical mission of the working class is to overthrow the German bourgeoise and its state in a revolutionary class warfare, set up the dictatorship of the proletariat, build up socialism and to stride on towards comunism as a part of the world-revolutionary process. For that it requieres a Communist Party (CP). Such a party does not exist in Germany. Therefore the most important task of the German communists in this historical period and this country is the creation of a Communist Party of Lenian Type. We regard it as our task to make a contribution to the construction of this party in Germany.
  2. The Marxist-Leninist movement is in an objective and subjective crisis on the political, ideological and organizational level.
  3. Part of the objective factors are the imperialistic superprofits, the perfected ruling strategy of the German class enemy, the German fascism, the past existence of a revisionist state on German ground and the ideological encirclement by the monopoly capital are only some of the reasons for the communist weakness on all levels.But these condition do not close the door to the construction of the Party and mustn’t be used as a justification for the weakness of the communist movement.
  4. But not only the objective conditions conserve the dissosciation of communists and working class as well as the other exploited and oppressed masses. A political culture has been established in the whole ‘radical left’ movement which helps to conserve this harmful situation.For decades communists in Germany lapse back into old social-democratic traditions over and over again: Into legalism, sectarianism, into the seperation of economic and political struggle, into apparent acceptance but effective refusal of all necessary means and forms of struggle, into liberalism in organizational questions and other forms of bourgeois politics.
  5. The political influence of communists is small. The working class struggles are few in number and mostly are dominated by opportunistic forces. The communists in Germany are not rooted within the masses. Only germinal forms of channels and organizational means to carry Marxism-Leninism to the masses do exist. This lacking connection leads to weaknesses on either side. For instance it prevents the workers’ movement from going beyond its reformist and legalistic limits.The ideological level of quality inside the communist movement has reached a low point. The victory of modern revisionism in the Soviet Union, but also the decline of the Marxist-Leninist world movement opposing modern revisionism have just as much led to great confusion within the communist movement.In terms of organization the communist movement and communist structures are in a barely developed and fragmented state.
  6. the objective and subjective situation in Germany has been changing for some years. For instance we have to note that the contradictions of the capitalist system aggravate during the world economic crisis and are also carried to the hearts of the imperialistic centers. Spontaneous workers’ struggles and broad protest movements are the results. On the part of the communist movement newly emergin groups -primarily youth- can be found, which orientate themselves towards communism and at the same time try to overcome the revisionist politics of the old small „communist“ circles. Within the revolutionary migrants a contradictional reorientation towards the class war in Germany can be observed. The question of revolution is on the agenda in different processes of the revolutionary movement.
  7. It is the communist’s task to form communist structures and to win and educate communists. The education of communist cadres is to be realised in the masses’ struggles. The communists have to struggle for rooting within the working class and the rest of the oppressed and exploited masses. The working class is the revolutionary subject. That’s why the rooting within the proletarian masses is of special importance and has to be aimed at even now. The communist mass work strives for their activation in their own struggles and for the sumounting of the ruling ‘deputy-thinking’. For that the fitting organizational forms must be created in each situation. The purpose of this work is to win the masses’ organizations for revolution and socialism.
  8. Youth, women and migrants each have a particular relevance to our communist work. The youth is the most dynamic part of the masses and it is the bearer of society’s future. Women and migrants as parts of the exploited masses are particularly oppressed – consequently they find even greater reasons to end the capitalistic reign but also more difficult conditions for their struggleTheory and practice are a dialectical unity. Without revolutionary theory there can be no revolutionary practice and the other way around. Thus we do not only have to acquire and spread the revolutionary theory but furthermore must apply it in practice, test it and develop it. Marxism-Leninism as the scientifical epistemology of alterning reality must be studied, liberated of its revisionist distortions and through applicating it must be brought up-to-date.We fight all kind of bourgeois and petitbourgeois ideology. Thus we openly attack our enemy’s ideology in order to disperse it in front of the masses.
  9. There’s no doubt about the close connection between political and ideological weakness of the communist movement and its fragmentation in Germany as well as in Europe and all over the world.
  10. It’s the duty of all Marxist-Leninists in Germany to fight for their unity on base of shared principles. Unity in all questions of principles is a necessary condition for the organizational unity.
  11. Therefore it is necessary to select of all questions those which will lead to the necessary distinction between opportunism and communism as soon as they are answered. It is ncessary to focus on answering these questions of principles.
  12. In this sense questions of principles in the current state of the construction process are:
  • Recognition, defence and application of Marxism-Leninism as well as recognition and defence of its historical leaders Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin
  • Germany is an imperialist country. The next stage is the socialist revolution.
  • Recognition and defence of revolutionary warfare and of the Dictatorship of the Proletariats
  • Condemnation of the revisionist seizure of power in the Soviet Union at the 20th Congress of the CPSU and condemnation of Modern Revisionism as a political tendency.
  • Recognition and defence of all legal and illegal forms of struggle to conquest of political might especially of armed struggle
  • Recognition of the Leninist party organization especially of the necessity of an illegal bolshevist party
  • It is the duty of each Marxist-Leninist to fight for the construction of such a party and to fight for the unity of all those who share these aims on a base of shared principles
  • Necessity of educating communist cadres, who work on the systematical change of their personalities and break completely with the bourgeois life
  • Recognition of Proletarian Internationalism.
  • Recognition and realization of communist work within the working class and other exploited and oppressed parts of the masses and in the different areas of class war; as well as the connection of daily struggles with the revolutionary ultimate aim
  • The DGB-Unions (Confederation of German Trade Unions) and other yellow workers’ unions can not be conquered, but must be broken up during the process of the revolution. In their place a class conscious labour movement must be built up.

These principles also form the fundament of our organization

  1. These questions of principles, which are preconditions to any kind of organizational unity in the construction process, of course do not include all open questions that must urgently be tackled by the communist movement in Germany. Such topics as e. g. an analysis of labour- and revolutionary movement in Germany, a current class analysis (including an analysis of youth, women and migrants), the women’s issue inside of a communist organization, the particularities and elemental characteristics of German Imperialism, the question of capitalist restauration in the former socialist countries, the communist work within the masses, the revolutionary strategy and tactics generally and concretely are of big importance in the construction process.
  2. An illegal bolshevist cadre party is something new and of a new quality. For instance it can not be created through the conversion of legal mass structures or by unifying existing open groups.
  3. The Commnist Party won’t emerge spontaneously. Its construction requires a conscious and systematic approach. Unlike the frequently spontaneously emerging revolutionary movement we take this up as our task on all levels with all necessary consequences. Being part of the spontaneous movement regularly potentials arise which can and must be included in the construction of the party. We confront all potentials with our purpose and these tasks. The perspective of these efforts must be to win these potentials for the construction and unity process.
  4. We are an organization, that does not consider itself to be a Communist Party; several preconditions must be satisfied until any organization in Germany can define itself as such. The construction of such a party is our goal. The road to the Communist Party is diverse and we cannot exactly predict it at the present time. Therefore we assume that there are or will be various attempts that set themselves this goal. Today, besides all our weaknesses, we consider it as our most urgent task to create the preconditions for the foundation of a Communist Party that is to say to educate cadres, apply the Leninist organizational principles, elaborate programm and statute of the Communist Party, defend and develop the Marxism-Leninsm and to unfold communist politics in the different areas of class struggle.

Kommunistischer Aufbau, April 2013

Declarations

Revolutionary class war – 10 lessons of the October Revolution (November, 7th, 2017)

Revolutionary class war – 10 lessons of the October Revolution

The October Revolution raises one central question: ‚How could the working class lead by the Bolshevik conquer political power?‘
The answer: The Bolshevik fought the revolutionary class war according to a consistent political-military overall strategy.

1st lesson: Innovation as a strategical element – Stop the search for cooking recipes

As reality is constantly changing we cannot stay in the past. There are no coking recipes. We have to re-invent ourselves over and over again – a fact that is hard to accept for the bourgeois mind.
When it comes to think about a revolutionary strategy that means to understand that there are no schemes that will show us the way. Future is open. Social contradictions push the development into new directions, that do not follow any historical analogy. Uprising, partisans, people‘s war, urban guerrilla – whoever tries to reduce these concrete experiences of class war to simple manuals is sure to fail.

2nd lesson: Revolutionary process and turning points – How long lasts the match?

October revolution is a turning point in a unified revolutionary process. It lasts as long as 20 years from about 1901, when Lenin started to develop and apply the Bolshevik revolutionary strategy in ‚What to do?‘ till the year 1920, when the war against the counter-revolution was won at long last.

Can the seizure of power through the uprising be separated from the years of preparations before? Even if there were no Moscow Uprising 1905, no Democratic Revolution in 1917‘s February, this would be impossible. It would be as absurd as to claim that a football match only lasted some minutes because it was decided by a penalty shootout.
In both cases one cannot separate the outcome from the whole course of the match respectively the war. This dialectical approach is to be defended against bourgeois thinking.
Concerning the Bolshevik‘s revolutionary strategy neither its political aspects can be separated from its military ones nor can the military aspect be reduced to the decisive battle, the actual uprising in October 1917.

3rd Lesson: Uprising or coup d‘etat – The true art of winning

A social revolution only takes place, when a crisis has ripened in the whole society. In 1917 this was the case in Russia, as the‚ left revolutionary government‘ had lost all its credit eight months after the Tsar‘s downfall. The choice of the right moment for the decisive charge is one of the trickiest questions of revolutionary strategy. This problem is connected to the term ‚uprising‘. Uprising sounds heroic. Uprising means civil war.

Yet how shall we evaluate an uprising, that does not satisfy the audience‘s lust for blood?
Many criticize October Revolution for being only a well-organized coup d‘etat executed by some conspirators. Counterquestion: What exactly is to be criticized about seizing power with a minimal blood shed in November 1917?

The bourgeois ‚coup‘ argument turns against its creators. It only proves that the Bolshevik had mastered the art of revolutionary warfare perfectly. Using the dialectic as his scientific method in Autumn 1917 Lenin could determine correctly a narrow time window of a few days and hence wrote history.

4th lesson: Against the Stages theory

Lenin stressed over and over again that the partisan‘s war is an indispensable means. For him ‚armed struggle‘ is not individual terror or falling into anarchism. In Lenin‘s conception it is the necessary preparation of a mass basis for the uprising and the forging of military knowledge and cadres of both party and masses.
The mainstream of the Marxist-Leninist movement nowadays defends the exact opposite: A chronological stages theory that separates on the level of strategy the political work in a first phase from the – more or less inevitable and regrettable – second, brief military phase, in which power is seized through an ‚uprising‘.

5th lesson: Party and masses – an inseparable entity

Early Lenin developed the ‚party of a new type‘ as a revolutionary combat organization. It leads the Proletariat‘s class war politically and militarily by uniting with the working class using a great variety of mass organizations. The Leninist revolutionary strategy consists in forging a political-military combat organization, merge it with the proletarian masses and thereby draw broader and broader sectors of the oppressed classes into class war. While the revolutionary side accumulates power and grows in a long process, the enemy and its state apparatus decay. Eventually the proletariat is strong enough that it can charge in a favorable instant and seize political power.

6th lesson: Revolution is made by the masses – it is not an uprising of communists

As innovative as the ‚party of a new type‘ was, the foundation of the Bolshevik revolutionary strategy remains that the socialist revolution is an act of the proletarian masses. The party of a new type is meant to create a leading center for the proletarian movement. Yet, the working class itself must be victorious in its actions.
This is why the Bolshevik directed a major part of their forces to the mass agitation, which was in a way decisive for the strength measurement. Not for an instant they forgot the all-decisive importance of the masses. Hence, with their restless mass agitation – at that time still without internet and mass media – they added a new element to their strategy.

7th lesson: Leadership – finding solutions and stay firm on that course

Leadership is an indispensable function in every political movement. It emerges, when a problem urges to be solved. Finding solutions is something creative, therefore some people due to their character, their conscience etc. will take up leadership. Humankind‘s history proves that in struggle it makes sense to give leadership to the most skilled fellows.

8th lesson: Political art – an unified overall strategy

The Bolshevik‘s revolutionary strategy is a unified overall plan, that was put into practice consistently with most diverse means on different levels.
The Bolshevik under Lenin‘s guidance where the first ones in human history, that wrested strategy, which was historically developed by militaries, from war and applied it to (revolutionary) politics.

Revolutionary class war is an art, which follows the laws of war, although this class war is to be fought with political, psychological etc. means and with the organized, armed force of military forces in a consistent way.

9th lesson: Winning despite inferiority

If strategy can be defined as the art of creating power, the revolutionary art is to win despite one‘s inferiority!
Opportunism raises metaphysical objectivism against this. It sticks to power ratios it believes to be static. Yet, power ratios normally will be unfavorable for us even on the eve of the uprising. It was Clausewitz who already phrased a central principle of war science, according to which great sucess in war can only be captured by taking great risks.
Sober mathematical measuring of the power ratio will (nearly) always come to the result of our inferiority when it comes to real politics. Hence, we have to rely on the dynamics of the situation, on forces that will be ‚created‘ through determined acting. These forces are a possibility in the midst of a social crisis but have to be turned into reality by our initiative.

10th lesson: Revolutionary class war

After 100 years of class struggle revolution as much as counter-revolution tend to merge the political, the military, the psychological and the communication trying to affect moral on both struggling sides into a consistent overall strategy.
What we have to learn from October Revolution is to embrace the philosophical truth that a revolutionary strategy is a unified piece of art. We must not divide the political ‚art of creating power‘ into isolated stages and separated areas.

More practically orientated comrades may ask ‚what does that mean in concrete?‘ What does our strategy for a social revolution in a country like Germany look like?

We won‘t find an answer to this question in any book. Books only give us the tools, the general principles of strategy.
What the path to our goal looks like under current conditions has to be unraveled in our own practice – as Lenin and the Bolshevik showed us. We want to close with a dialectical mnemotechnic verse that may serve us as orientation on the way:

‚Revolutionary politics means to wage a war, always and everywhere – even if we don‘t fire a single shot in our entire life!‘

Freedom for the Spanish Internationalists! The Fight against ISIS is not a crime! (Feburary, 28th, 2016)

Freedom for the Spanish Internationalists! The fight against ISIS is not a crime!

On Wednesday, January 27th, nine internationalists have been arrested on Spanish state territory. They are said to be militants of the communist organization ‘Partido Marxista-Leninista /Reconstrucción Comunista’ (Marxist-Leninist Party / Communist Reconstruction).

In July 2015 two young members of this very organization had been briefly arrested for joining the armed struggle of YPG against ISIS in the ranks of the ‘International Freedom Battalion’ (IFB) „without getting the authorization of the Spanish state“. Obviously the intermediate liberation of these two internationalists just happened in order to prepare an even tougher blow against the international solidarity with the revolution in Rojava.

On the 29th of January 2016 the PML/RC now was prohibited for one year as a „criminal organization“ that collaborates with the „terrorist organization“ PKK/KCK. Even if PKK is not a prohibited party in Spain! While 6 arrested persons were released with the obligation to stay inside the margin of Spanish state, Roberto Vaquero as well as a Turkish citizen and another arrested internationalist were sent to Prison. The bail for the last two is 10000 and 6000 euros, for Roberto there is no possibility of getting free on bail.

We strongly condemn the criminalization of the revolutionary internationalists in Spain as much as the hypocrisy of the Spanish state. Spanish government along with all other European governments shed crocodile tears over the bodies of those killed by the fundamentalist terror attacks in Paris, now they criminalize those who put their lives and health at risk to fight against this very same fundamentalism without receiving money, a long military training or any securities.

The people struggling for freedom all over the world and the class conscious workers are standing behind them. The true arsonists for the dirty war in the near and middle east can be found in the governments of USA, EU, Russia and the reactionary regimes of Turkey, Saudi-Arabia, Qatar and Syria.

Furthermore the attack towards the Spanish internationalists has also other reasons. While the situation of the broad masses in Spain is getting worse and worse, the unemployment of youth is raising to 50%, so the radicalization of the youth might develop to a serious threat towards the Spanish state.

Let us organize solidarity, document it and send the information to detenidos27e@gmail.com and coordinationint@yahoo.co.uk!

Bank account for financial support:

IBAN ES57 3035 0393 09 3930010253

Abolition of the PKK ban!

Abolition of the PML/RC ban!

Freedom for the Spanish internationalists!

Communist Construction (Germany)

Marxist-Leninist Communist Party (MLCP) (Turkey/Kurdistan)

Marxist-Leninist Party of Germany (Germany)

Socialist Patriotic Democratic Party (PPDS) (Tunisia)

Revolutionary Organization of Labor (USA)

February 2016, at the Unity Congress of Socialist Patriotic Democratic Party (PPDS) (Tunisia)

Resolution on the Kurdish resistance (February, 28th, 2016)

In Turkey, the fascist dictatorship has been bombing cities, towns and villages for months with tanks and artillery. They are besieged. The special units of the Turkish army and the police are hunting Kurds, they kill without making any separation between elderly, women, children or the sick. The fascist regime is organizing the same massacre and destruction in Sur, Cizre, Silopi as the ISIS has done in Kobane.

The street fight which was organized once against ISIS in Serekaniye and later in Kobane, the walls full of holes, destroyed houses, the scenes of murdered bodies on the streets, is now being seen in the seized centers of Kurdistan. Following Serekaniye and Kobane, the seized cities of the North have also become a Stalingrad. Stalingrad was a will fight of the socialist Soviet Union against Hitler fascism. Either they were going to surrender to the German fascism or German fascism was going to be defeated. This will fight is now taking place in Northern Kurdistan. The Kurds either are going to surrender to fascist dictatorship or they will become free by defeating the dictatorship. The trench wars, street fights that have been continuing in many Kurdish centers are the open expression of the will fight.

Because of the importance of Turkey in the rivalry and dog fight among imperialist blocks aiming to settle hegemony in the Middle East, everyone remains silent regarding the massacre of the Kurdish nation by the fascist dictatorship. The role of imperialist countries, in the first place the US and EU, and the international forces under their control cannot be underestimated. They are the ones who encourage fascist regime by remaining silent. In order to realize their own interests in the Middle East, the imperialists forces are using the freedom struggle of the Kurdish nation as a tool. Of course they will not support the Kurdish resistance which is not serving their interests. That’s why they are siding with Turkey. This is why they kept in silence and thus approved the massacre. This is why they are violating the “values” they always talk about. They want Kurdish Freedom Movement to subjugate under imperialist interests and international capital.

The Kurds are also fighting and dieing for all humans that strive for freedom and democracy, and struggle for these values. Their resistance with barricades, their ideals of self-administration have to be seen as resistance and the wish for freedom and self-administration of everyone who are on the side of democracy.

This war, this resistance is not only a torch for Middle Eastern people’s liberation. As the people of the world, we must understand and internalize the role of the light held to the exploited and oppressed of the world by the Rojava revolution. The sphere of the light, the enlightening influence of the revolution is being spread every passing day, and it is now showing its effects in the North. This must be defended, it must be considered as the extension and broadening of the Rojava Revolution and the Kobane resistance.

There will be no struggle for democracy and freedom without setting a connection with Rojava and the resistance in the cities of Northern Kurdistan. One will not understand the fight against fascism without understanding and internalizing why the Kurds are fighting in barricades, why they are resisting and why they are being massacred. It is the same situation with the Palestinian people and their Struggle. Without liberation of Palestine there is no possibility for victory of freedom and democracy in the Middle East.

This struggle of the peoples of the Middle East does not need a support or solidarity that is only in the words. The humanity seeking for freedom and democracy does not have a right to leave the peoples of the middle east alone, who also fight for their freedom. Solidarity with the resistance against fascism and colonialism must be in practice. The world public opinion must be explained that this resistance is also a resistance for all of us. Direct support and solidarity must be demanded.

It is a duty for all of us to show a collective and united stance against the total fascist and brutal attacks.

Communist Construction (Germany)

Marxist-Leninist Communist Party (MLCP) (Turkey/Kurdistan)

Marxist-Leninist Party of Germany (Germany)

Socialist Patriotic Democratic Party (PPDS) (Tunisia)

Revolutionary Organization of Labor (USA)

February 2016, at the Unity Congress of Socialist Patriotic Democratic Party (PPDS) (Tunisia)

Solidarity with the criminalized Spanish internationalists - To fight IS is not a crime! (April, 4th, 2016)

Solidarity with the criminalized Spanish Internationalist – To fight IS is not a crime!

The Kurds, Arabs, Assyrian, Christians and other people that live in North Syria/Western Kurdistan (Rojava) have taken fate into their own hands in the Syrian war and started to free them theirselves through a revolution. Four years since a democratic self-administration is being set up in the middle of the brutality of the Syrian proxy war.

The revolutionary cantons of Afrin, Kobani and Jazira have to face especially the attacks of IS. Even the world power’s governments as USA, Germany and France had to recognise that the revolutionaries of Rojava are the only ‘reliable’ armed force fighting IS in the region.

Rojva revolution proclaimed: We do not only fight for the Kurds, we fight for all peoples. We do not only fight for us, we fight for humaneness.

It called the people from all over the world to join the defense of the revolution in the ranks of YPG/YPJ (Peoples Protection Units and Women Protection Units). Hundreds answered this call. Among them two jung Spanish communists of the organization PML (RC)1 in 2015.

Although the Spanish state claims to also fight fascist fundamentalism it decided to take the two internationalists into custody when they returned in June 2015. Quickly they had been released – yet with prohibition to leave the country. It has become clear now that this only served to prepare a more severe blow against the organization and its convictions.

On January, 27th, 2016 several residences of Spanish communists, that are members of PML (RC), had been raided and examined as a part of the so called operation Valley. Multiple comrades were arrested and sent to prison. The organization’s general secretary Roberto Vaquero was kept in prison for two months on base of accusations (possession of explosives) that have been proven to be faked.

PML (RC) is accused to be a criminal organization, their members are charged for participating in an armed conflict without the permission of the Spanish state. The state persecutor furthermore presents PML (RC) as the Spanish branch of the Kurdish Worker’s Party (PKK).

PML (RC) and any activities in its name have been banned for one year. The fourteen affected accused are threatened by prison up to twenty years.

The honest democrats of Spain reacted indignantly to this trial and public media as much as the Spanish people show a lot of solidarity. It is also because of this pression that for the moment all members of PML (RC) are set free.

Yet the Spanish state already showed in June that they are not give up easily on their goal to criminalize the practical international solidarity and to prevent others from following their example.

The lawsuits will take about two years and the comrades have enormous costs to bear. Show your solidarity against their repression and donate. Show practical solidarity and call in your actions for immediate abatement of actions against the internationalists.

Donation account

IBAN: ES57 3035 0393 09 3930010253

detenidos27e.wordpress.com (Spanish)

1Marxist-Leninist Party (Communist Reconstruction), http://reconstruccioncomunista.blogspot.com/

Revolutionary class war – 10 lessons of the October Revolution (November, 7th, 2017)

The October Revolution raises one central question: ‚How could the working class lead by the Bolshevik conquer political power?‘

The answer: The Bolshevik fought the revolutionary class war according to a consistent political-military overall strategy.

1st lesson: Innovation as a strategical element – Stop the search for cooking recipes

As reality is constantly changing we cannot stay in the past. There are no coking recipes. We have to re-invent ourselves over and over again – a fact that is hard to accept for the bourgeois mind.

When it comes to think about a revolutionary strategy that means to understand that there are no schemes that will show us the way. Future is open. Social contradictions push the development into new directions, that do not follow any historical analogy. Uprising, partisans, people‘s war, urban guerrilla – whoever tries to reduce these concrete experiences of class war to simple manuals is sure to fail.

2nd lesson: Revolutionary process and turning points – How long lasts the match?

October revolution is a turning point in a unified revolutionary process. It lasts as long as 20 years from about 1901, when Lenin started to develop and apply the Bolshevik revolutionary strategy in ‚What to do?‘ till the year 1920, when the war against the counter-revolution was won at long last.

Can the seizure of power through the uprising be separated from the years of preparations before? Even if there were no Moscow Uprising 1905, no Democratic Revolution in 1917‘s February, this would be impossible. It would be as absurd as to claim that a football match only lasted some minutes because it was decided by a penalty shootout.

In both cases one cannot separate the outcome from the whole course of the match respectively the war. This dialectical approach is to be defended against bourgeois thinking.

Concerning the Bolshevik‘s revolutionary strategy neither its political aspects can be separated from its military ones nor can the military aspect be reduced to the decisive battle, the actual uprising in October 1917.

3rd Lesson: Uprising or coup d‘etat – The true art of winning

A social revolution only takes place, when a crisis has ripened in the whole society. In 1917 this was the case in Russia, as the‚ left revolutionary government‘ had lost all its credit eight months after the Tsar‘s downfall. The choice of the right moment for the decisive charge is one of the trickiest questions of revolutionary strategy. This problem is connected to the term ‚uprising‘. Uprising sounds heroic. Uprising means civil war.

Yet how shall we evaluate an uprising, that does not satisfy the audience‘s lust for blood?

Many criticize October Revolution for being only a well-organized coup d‘etat executed by some conspirators. Counterquestion: What exactly is to be criticized about seizing power with a minimal blood shed in November 1917?

The bourgeois ‚coup‘ argument turns against its creators. It only proves that the Bolshevik had mastered the art of revolutionary warfare perfectly. Using the dialectic as his scientific method in Autumn 1917 Lenin could determine correctly a narrow time window of a few days and hence wrote history.

4th lesson: Against the Stages theory

Lenin stressed over and over again that the partisan‘s war is an indispensable means. For him ‚armed struggle‘ is not individual terror or falling into anarchism. In Lenin‘s conception it is the necessary preparation of a mass basis for the uprising and the forging of military knowledge and cadres of both party and masses.

The mainstream of the Marxist-Leninist movement nowadays defends the exact opposite: A chronological stages theory that separates on the level of strategy the political work in a first phase from the – more or less inevitable and regrettable – second, brief military phase, in which power is seized through an ‚uprising‘.

5th lesson: Party and masses – an inseparable entity

Early Lenin developed the ‚party of a new type‘ as a revolutionary combat organization. It leads the Proletariat‘s class war politically and militarily by uniting with the working class using a great variety of mass organizations. The Leninist revolutionary strategy consists in forging a political-military combat organization, merge it with the proletarian masses and thereby draw broader and broader sectors of the oppressed classes into class war. While the revolutionary side accumulates power and grows in a long process, the enemy and its state apparatus decay. Eventually the proletariat is strong enough that it can charge in a favorable instant and seize political power.

6th lesson: Revolution is made by the masses – it is not an uprising of communists

As innovative as the ‚party of a new type‘ was, the foundation of the Bolshevik revolutionary strategy remains that the socialist revolution is an act of the proletarian masses. The party of a new type is meant to create a leading center for the proletarian movement. Yet, the working class itself must be victorious in its actions.

This is why the Bolshevik directed a major part of their forces to the mass agitation, which was in a way decisive for the strength measurement. Not for an instant they forgot the all-decisive importance of the masses. Hence, with their restless mass agitation – at that time still without internet and mass media – they added a new element to their strategy.

7th lesson: Leadership – finding solutions and stay firm on that course

Leadership is an indispensable function in every political movement. It emerges, when a problem urges to be solved. Finding solutions is something creative, therefore some people due to their character, their conscience etc. will take up leadership. Humankind‘s history proves that in struggle it makes sense to give leadership to the most skilled fellows.

8th lesson: Political art – an unified overall strategy

The Bolshevik‘s revolutionary strategy is a unified overall plan, that was put into practice consistently with most diverse means on different levels.

The Bolshevik under Lenin‘s guidance where the first ones in human history, that wrested strategy, which was historically developed by militaries, from war and applied it to (revolutionary) politics.

Revolutionary class war is an art, which follows the laws of war, although this class war is to be fought with political, psychological etc. means and with the organized, armed force of military forces in a consistent way.

9th lesson: Winning despite inferiority

If strategy can be defined as the art of creating power, the revolutionary art is to win despite one‘s inferiority!

Opportunism raises metaphysical objectivism against this. It sticks to power ratios it believes to be static. Yet, power ratios normally will be unfavorable for us even on the eve of the uprising. It was Clausewitz who already phrased a central principle of war science, according to which great sucess in war can only be captured by taking great risks.

Sober mathematical measuring of the power ratio will (nearly) always come to the result of our inferiority when it comes to real politics. Hence, we have to rely on the dynamics of the situation, on forces that will be ‚created‘ through determined acting. These forces are a possibility in the midst of a social crisis but have to be turned into reality by our initiative.

10th lesson: Revolutionary class war

After 100 years of class struggle revolution as much as counter-revolution tend to merge the political, the military, the psychological and the communication trying to affect moral on both struggling sides into a consistent overall strategy.

What we have to learn from October Revolution is to embrace the philosophical truth that a revolutionary strategy is a unified piece of art. We must not divide the political ‚art of creating power‘ into isolated stages and separated areas.

More practically orientated comrades may ask ‚what does that mean in concrete?‘ What does our strategy for a social revolution in a country like Germany look like?

We won‘t find an answer to this question in any book. Books only give us the tools, the general principles of strategy.

What the path to our goal looks like under current conditions has to be unraveled in our own practice – as Lenin and the Bolshevik showed us. We want to close with a dialectical mnemotechnic verse that may serve us as orientation on the way:

‚Revolutionary politics means to wage a war, always and everywhere – even if we don‘t fire a single shot in our entire life!‘

Defend Afrin! Defend the Rojava-Revolution! (January, 27th, 2018)

Defend Afrin! Defend the Rojava-Revolution!

On January 20th, 2018 the fascist Turkish regime started its long-time planned assault on the Kurdish region Afrin in North Syria/Rojava. Since that day the Rojava-Revolution is under fire by artillery, warplanes, dozens of tanks, thousands of Turkish soldiers and islamist mercenaries.
This assault relies on agreements between Turkey, Russia and the Syrian regime. Their joint aim is to drown the Kurdish autonomy and the Rojava Revolution‘s acquisitions in blood.
From the beginning on it was obvious that the Rojava Revolution would stay a thorn in world imperialism‘s flesh. The imperialist‘s quarrels therefore will not make us weaken our solidarity with the Kurdish freedom movement. The assault on Afrin proves once more, that the Kurdish movement has no reliable allies but the revolutionaries and oppressed people in the region and all over the world.
As it was three years ago during the Kobane resistance, we are not to leave Afrina lone. Let‘s stand side by side with the for freedom fighting people in Rojava and let‘s not leave this assault and the massacres of the Kurdish population unanswered.
Long live Proletarian Internationalism!
Biji Berxwedana Rojava!

Communist Construction
Marxist-Leninist Communist Party – Turkey/Kurdistan
Marxist-Leninist Party (Communist Reconstruction)
Patriotic Democratic Socialist Party Tunisia
Partija Rada – Serbia
ROC ml – France

Articles

About the new police laws in Germany (1st October 2018)

About the new police laws in Germany

Starting with the passing of a new police law in Bavaria in March 2018, Germany witnesses a campaign orchestrated by the Ministers of Interior of both the Federal Republic and the respective federal states. Their purpose is to widen the police‘s competences and limit citizen‘s civil rights. Due to historical reasons the responsibility for the police laws lies within the states. Thus, we observe that all states except one (Thuringia) are currently preparing or have already passed a new police law. It is important to take into account that the distribution of seats between the different bourgeois parties differs from state to state as well as parties forming their governments. This shows that by no means the new law is a project of just a part of the bourgeoisie but one of the German ruling class as a whole. Although this project takes different shapes in the states and is more advanced in some states than in others – it shall soon be passed in Nordrhein-Westfalia, Lower Saxony, Saxony and Brandenburg – we can elaborate clear common tendencies of all the new police laws.

Content of the new police laws

To analyze the political content of the new police laws in detail we would normally have to analyze 15 different laws or law proposals. Yet it is quite obvious that all the states follow a common example: The new police law in Bavaria. The Federal Republic‘s Minister of Interior, Horst Seehofer, also comes from this state.

We can roughly divide the content of the new laws into different aspects.

The first complex contains different measures to extend the surveillance of citizens. The police is enabled to install cameras in public places, the hacking of computers, smart- and cellphones is also legalized for the police.

The second complex can be summarized as arming the police. Most future-laws contain legalization of explosives and Taser for the police. These legal changes are flanked by more material measures: In different states the state buys fortified vehicles and even small tanks for the police. The fact that it is possible to shoot tear gas and other chemicals with it, clearly shows that ‘fighting terrorism‘ is not its true purpose.

The third complex consists of some preventive measures the police shall be allowed to take against persons, that have not yet committed crimes but the police thinks they will do. The legal phrasing says that police have to give ‘fact-based reasons‘ for the assumption that a certain person will commit a crime. Thus, the criteria clearly aim at ideology and social environment of suspected criminals. These preventive measures reach from mandatory reporting to a police station, residence ban, contact ban to certain persons, electronic tagging to preventive custody (different from pre-trial custody!). Not all of this measures are to be legalized in every state at once, and in some states their application is bound to alleged terrorists, in others they can be used against all sorts of ‘criminals‘ and in some states to break German assembly laws is explicitly mentioned as a possible reason for their usage.

Political reasons for the new police laws

The first to suffer under the new police laws as well as under the current state repression are migrants – especially refugees. They are the most common victims of racist police controls as well as of a growing number of fascist physical and psychological attacks. It is clear to the communists that Angela Merkel’s government did not let over a million refugees enter Germany out of the goodness of their hearts. The expanding German imperialism rather needs new workforce. Thus, to oppress and intimidate migrants is in its best interest in order to keep them willing to take even the worst paid and hardest jobs. In fact, of those against whom the new Bavarian police law was already applied, most are refugees. Currently eleven refugees are in preventive custody in Bavaria.

A special case within the repression against migrants is the growing repression against the Kurdish national movement and the revolutionary left of the Middle East. One should analyze its development much as subject of the German foreign policy and especially of German relations to Turkey. We could observe that the Kurdish movement had relatively broad freedom in Germany for some time, when German imperialism tried to put some pressure on Erdogan’s regime and even German bourgeois media showed a relatively positive approach towards the Rojava Revolution. Now that the course of German foreign policy changed we observe a quick change of that towards strong repression and even mass criminalization of showing YPG/YPJ’s signs.

Apart from this the revolutionary left of Germany lamentably gives little reason for the intensification of the police laws. The rates of leftist ‘political criminality’ even drop in most parts of the country. Thus, the conclusion at hand is that much of this legislative process aims not at the present but at the future.

On the one hand we have accumulating conditions for a new worldwide economic crisis. The obvious intensification of Turkey’s economic decline will not leave Germany unharmed. In fact measures to prevent a fast spread of the coming crisis are already discussed more or less openly in the bourgeois economic journals. Yet, different from the situation back in 2008, this time Germany has much fewer measures at hand to unload the crisis’ effects on other economically weaker countries within the European Union as for example Greece, Spain, Italy and Portugal. Therefore a fast decline of the living standard of the working class in Germany seems likely in the relative near future.

On the other hand the interior measures come hand in hand with a militarization of the German state’s foreign policy. Of course the intensification of political and military tensions between the different imperialist forces are well observed in Germany and it is quite clear that the relatively poorly armed and small German armed forces are not prepared for a possible great conflict or even a Third World War. Therefore the constant demands of the US president for Germany to drastically raise it’s military spendings are welcomed by most German politicians. Yet, in a shy and ashamed way, because still the broad majority of German populations generally rejects the German involvement in armed conflicts. This way a broad anti-war movement seems also possible in case of great war.

All in all both crisis and war are also to be analyzed as possibilities for the German revolutionary forces to overcome their relative isolation from the broad laboring masses. And make qualitative jumps in their development.

Resistance against the new police laws

As the bourgeois state sees the police laws as a preventive measure against coming possible uprisings and revolutionary movements, the communists have to understand the resistance against these laws as a immediate task which cannot be ignored.

Therefore it‘s good to see that the resistance in the states, most advanced in the process of legislation, was bigger and broader than expected by the organizing alliances. In Munich (Bavaria) up to 50.000 persons demonstrated against the nevertheless passed new law; in Düsseldorf (North Rhine-Westphalia) 20.000 and in Hanover (Lower Saxony) 15.000. It is possible to reach broad masses by raising one‘s voice against these new oppressive steps and the existing or developing alliances in the different German states are starting to coordinate and support one another.

Two upcoming opportunities to take the resistance to the streets on a German-wide level are the ‘Unteilbar‘(indivisible)-Demonstration on October 13th in Berlin and the protests against the Conference of Ministers of Interior (IMK) on 24th November in Magdeburg, where all main authorities responsible for the new laws come together.

 

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